Marable, M. (2002). The great wells of democracy: The meaning of race in American life. New York: BasicCivitas Books.

In The Great Wells of Democracy, Marable provides an overview of race and racism in the United States with a focus on the African American experience. He introduces two contradictory narratives that describe America . In the first narrative the nation is seen as the ideal democracy in which all have equal opportunity. The second narrative is held by the marginalized and oppressed, and is characterized by structural racism. Marable argues that, because structural racism is embedded in American life, fundamental structural change is required to end racial inequality. He proposes that state-based integration and race-based separatism are no longer effective in addressing racial disparities. Instead, Marable argues that disadvantaged citizens must shape a new movement that will increase the ability of oppressed peoples to participate in society. He introduces us to the ways in which ordinary African Americans have mobilized to create resistance and change. He also reflects on the debate regarding Black reparations and the reactions to the September 11 th terrorist attacks, describing aspects that indicate existing racism, as well as opportunities they provide to understand how change can be implemented.

In the first sections of his book, Marable describes the ways in which America has begun to regress on the path towards equality. He follows the African American experience with racism from slavery to Jim Crow segregation to current discrimination, and connects it to the origins of American society. Marable describes the ways in which slavery sales became the foundation for numerous institutions including banks, insurance companies and colleges while sacrificing African American emotional and physical well being. Under Jim Crow segregation, share cropping, lynching, as well as discriminatory laws supported structural racism. In reaction, some African Americans moved north, creating ghettos that supported race-based consumer markets, but also created concentrated communities of poor and unemployed. Currently, the dynamics of Whiteness and Blackness have shifted with an increase of middle class Blacks. However discrimination is still evident throughout African American life. In reaction to discrimination, two primary political strategies emerged: state-based integration and inclusion, and race-based autonomy and Black nationalism. Both of these, Marable argues are no longer effective approaches to furthering the fight against structural racism.

In describing the racism embedded in the electoral political system, Marable supports the argument that state-based integration cannot effectively achieve equality. He first provides a historical overview of African American involvement in the political system, describing their shift in support from the Republican Party to the Democrats as the latter distinguished itself with support for racial equality. Marable argues, however, that currently, neither the Republican or Democratic parties are implement change in areas that most affect African Americans. Republicans have adopted an authoritarian colorblind perspective, while Democrats use African American support to win elections, but fail to address issues that are pressing to the Black community. Marable argues that the electoral political system is not a mechanism for change, instead change must occur outside of the political system.

Marable goes on to describe the challenges of bringing race and racism to the forefront of social and political life. He argues that one contradiction in the success of Black political leaders is that they must distance themselves from African American issues to broaden their appeal. In addition, voting patterns indicate that many Whites may determine their votes based on how much they feel threatened by the African American community. In areas with higher African American populations, Whites are less likely to support a candidate that advocates for racial equality, thus negating any progress that Blacks have made. Marable goes on to describe two major initiatives, the Million Man March and President Clinton’s Initiative on Race, both of which briefly brought race to the forefront, but failed to make any permanent changes.

According to Marable, education and prisons are two institutions that have been strongly influenced by racism. He argues against efforts to privatize school management and initiate private school vouchers, not only because there is a lack of evidence that private schools are better, but because public schools create culturally diverse environments from which students and society benefit. Marable also describes the racial inequalities in higher education that have been intensified by declines in public funding and attacks on affirmative action and race-based scholarships. He argues that colleges that value liberal education must purposely diversify their campus communities, create connections with surrounding areas, implement diversity policies and deconstruct social privilege. Much of the money that was taken out of education budgets, went to building prisons instead. Marable describes how racism was imbedded in anticrime initiatives starting in the late 1970s which disproportionately imprisoned African Americans and Latinos. Rehabilitation programs, such as educational opportunities, have declined, as the public comes to believe that these prisoners are unable to change. In addition to the loss of these prisoners as productive citizens, Marable points out that, in many states, prisoners, as well as some parolees are unable to vote which eliminates a high number of Latinos, Blacks and women from participating in the political process.

In his last section on American’s failure to progress towards equality, Marable argues that DuBois’ Talented 10 th is no longer the mechanism for change that DuBois once proposed. Under Jim Crow segregation, the lives of the intellectual and ordinary African Americans were tied together because they were required to live in the same community. However, as the African American intellectual population grew after segregation, members of the Talented 10 th began to live outside of the Black community. Marable argues that, ironically, the end of Jim Crow segregation and the beginning of integration lead to African American cultural fragmentation and class stratification. As the Black intellectual community grew in size and complexity, they became less tied to the African American majority. Instead, the Black bourgeoisie has come to develop a number of perspectives on race. The majority continue to believe in ideals of integration, such as those promoted by the NAACP. However, those that Marable terms “race traitors” have adopted color blind approaches that object to race-based policy and deny links to disadvantaged African Americans. Marable builds a strong argument for the reasons why the current Talented 10 th may not be effective leaders for a social justice movement. However, it may have been productive to include suggestions on how activist members of the Talented 10 th can build some connection with the disadvantaged in their community and collaborate with them to initiate change.

In the last half of his book, Marable identifies mechanisms and opportunities for resistance and transformation. He argues that change must be carried out by a multiracial, multiclass coalition that pursues grassroots political action formed around the daily struggles of the disadvantaged. He introduces a number of community initiatives that have been successful because they originated among ordinary African Americans. According to Marable a successful Black movement towards equality must include strategies and theories based on the struggles of daily life, the recognition of the important role of women, a national network of Black radical activists and education about the Black freedom movement. To create a larger movement, Marable argues that we must look across race and class to build initiatives with other disadvantaged peoples.

The issue of African American reparations is portrayed as one opportunity within the Black community to initiate social change. Marable describes the origins and path of the reparations movement that began with discussions of compensation for Blacks after the Civil War. The issue of reparations continues to resurface, but has not been adequately addressed because demands often originate with Black nationalists and because some with leftist perspectives view reparations as potentially creating divisiveness between Blacks and the lower class. Marable’s argument supports the potential for Black reparations with examples of successful reparations movements and the growing discussions in the African American community. He proposes that, while African Americans are strongly in favor of reparations, they must be convinced that it is an achievable goal for a collective movement to build. Ultimately, Marable writes that reparations is not about the money, but instead about the change that could be created by an open dialogue about the African American experience and the costs of structural racism.

Marable also discusses hip hop and Black churches as mechanisms for change within the African American community. While there has been a chasm of misunderstanding between much of the hip hop generation and previous generations in the Black community, Marable portrays hip hop as a culture that can give voice to the African American experience and mobilize youth for political action. He sees hip hop artists as allies who can use their legitimacy to attract attention to political agendas that call for structural changes to achieve equality. Similarly he sees Black churches as a mechanism for change through cooperative relationships with governmental agencies. He describes the development of African American faith as directly linked with the struggle for emancipation and freedom. While primarily on the sidelines during the Civil Rights Movement, the church has given voice to the African American community, initiated community renewal projects, and currently serves those most in need. While Republicans have attracted some support in the African American community for their faith-based charitable choice initiatives, Marable states that many do not support this initiative because it relieves government from social responsibility, and because faith-based services have had mixed results. Instead he argues for non-financial cooperation between faith-based organizations and governmental agencies. This support of governmental agency involvement seems contradictory to much of Marable’s argument against existing political structures. While I agree that government should have responsibility in providing social services for its citizens, Marable fails to mention the fundamental changes that these governmental agencies must make to effectively serve the African American community, as well as many other disenfranchised peoples.

Marable argues that we must also understand the racism embedded in reactions to the September 11 th act of terrorism. Racial attacks on people of color, especially Arab Americans, and President Bush’s attempts to demonize the terrorists all have racist origins. Marable argues that while Al Qaeda is guilty, America is also responsible for creating a climate that fosters terrorism both through direct support of Islamic fundamentalists, and by widening the disparities that cause poor people to turn to fundamentalism. While American racism has contributed to domestic disparities, it has also contributed to larger global inequities.

Lastly, Marable discusses the White experience, as one in which most White people do not consider their Whiteness. Instead, the media attempts to hide racism by veiling it in more neutral terms such as “racial dynamic” or “racial issues.” He argues that to create structural change, White identity must be reconfigured. White people must be reeducated to see themselves and their history from the perspective of “the Other” and to understand the dynamics of oppression, power and privilege. Marable argues that this reevaluation of Whiteness and White privilege is necessary because White supremacy will not be able to endure as the number of non-Whites increases. Marable writes that Whites will be able to appreciate a new history from the perspective of the disadvantaged, which can then lead justice and racial peace, and ultimately a new democracy. While throughout the book, Marable explores the issues of race and racism in America and the role of Whites in perpetuating disparities, in this section, he does not seem to fully explore how the transformation of White identity might take place. He seems to propose that, once reeducated, Whites will willingly give up their privilege. However, he fails to explore the complexity of this transformation and thus, seems to imply that it will happen easily which seems unrealistically optimistic.

Overall, Marable provides strong arguments for a multiracial, multiclass grassroots movement as a mechanism for change. However, he provides more questions than answers regarding the future of this potential movement. What will its common goals be? How can we initiate it? What is needed for it to be effective? While, he provides a thorough foundation of knowledge to support the need for a new coalition and a new approach to addressing structural racism, this book could further its effectiveness by providing a vision for the future.